Concentration Coefficient of Public Attention: Calculation Methodology
Keywords:
public opinion, mass media, constructivism, crisis, communicative complexity, agenda-setting
Abstract
Numerous studies of mass communications suggest that the development of online media and the competition of issues for the place on the media and public agenda should help dispel the attention of people and the media among a variety of different issues. However, this does not always happen. For example, in crisis situations, individual events can occupy a significant place on the agenda. The article suggests a methodology for calculating the concentration coefficient of public attention. Approbation of the methodology was performed on the data of the Levada Center surveys for the period from July 2013 to December 2016. As a result, it was concluded that the concentration of public attention can really be considered an indicator of the crisis. However, the analysis of this indicator for Russia suggests that it is not only unfavorable circumstances that can monopolize the attention of the population, but also the actions of the authorities organizing major national events (the Olympic Games in Sochi, the celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the victory in the Second World War). In addition, it is necessary to take into account that both the media and the population react strongly to sharp negative changes, rather than to a smooth deterioration of the situation. Thus, the received coefficient better reflects sharp changes than the consequences of a protracted crisis.
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References
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Shapiro M. A., Hemphill L. (2017). Politicians and the Policy Agenda: Does Use of Twitter by the U.S. Congress Direct New York Times Content? Policy & Internet, 9(1), 109–132.
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Spector M., Kitsuse J. (1987). Constructing Social Problems. Transaction Publishers.
Suedfeld P., Tetlock P. (1977). Integrative Complexity of Communications in International Crises. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 21(1), 169–184.
Tan Y., Weaver D. H. (2013). Agenda Diversity and Agenda Setting From 1956 to 2004. Journalism Studies, 14(6), 773–789.
Teper Y. (2015). Official Russian Identity Discourse in Light of the Annexation of Crimea: National or Imperial? Post-Soviet Affairs, 32(4), 378-396.
Toffler A. (1980). The Third Wave. New York: Morrow.
Wallsten K. (2007). Agenda Setting and the Blogosphere: An Analysis of the Relationship between Mainstream Media and Political Blogs. Review of Policy Research, 24(6), 567–587.
Wanta W., Kalyango Y. (2007). Terrorism and Africa: A Study of Agenda Building in the United States. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 19(4), 434–450.
Weimann G., Brosius H.-B. (1991). The Newsworthiness of International Terrorism. Communication Research, 18(3), 333–354.
Wilkinson P. (1997). The Media and Terrorism: A Reassessment. Terrorism and Political Violence, 9(2), 51–64.
Wlezien C. (2005). On the Salience of Political Issues: The Problem with ‘Most Important Problem.’ Electoral Studies, 24(4), 555–579.
Zelinska O. (2015). Who Were the Protestors and What Did They Want? Demokratizatsiya, 23(4), 379–400.
Belt T. L., Just M. R., Crigler A. N. (2012). The 2008 Media Primary: Handicapping the Candidates in Newspapers, on TV, Cable, and the Internet. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 17(3), 341–369.
Blumer H. (1971). Social Problems as Collective Behavior. Social Problems, 18(3), 298–306.
Boyd-Barrett O. (2015). Ukraine, Mainstream Media and Conflict Propaganda. Journalism Studies, 18(8), 1016-1034.
Carpenter S. (2010). A study of content diversity in online citizen journalism and online newspaper articles. New Media & Society, 12(7), 1064–1084.
Chaffee S. H., Metzger, M. J. (2001). The End of Mass Communication? Mass Communication and Society, 4(4), 365–379.
Chermak S. M., Gruenewald J. (2006). The Media’s Coverage of Domestic Terrorism. Justice Quarterly, 23(4), 428–461.
Chowanietz C. (2011). Rallying around the Flag or Railing Against the Government? Political Parties’ Reactions to Terrorist Acts. Party Politics, 17(5), 673–698.
Cohen J. E. (1995). Presidential Rhetoric and the Public Agenda. American Journal of Political Science, 39(1), 87-107.
Galtung J., Ruge M. H. (1965). The Structure of Foreign News: The Presentation of the Congo, Cuba and Cyprus Crises in Four Norwegian Newspapers. Journal of Peace Research, 2(1), 64–90.
Guo L. (2012). The Application of Social Network Analysis in Agenda Setting Research: A Methodological Exploration. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 56(4), 616–631.
Harrington, D. E. (1989). Economic News on Television the Determinants of Coverage. Public Opinion Quarterly, 53(1), 17–40.
Hilgartner S., Bosk C. L. (1988). The Rise and Fall of Social Problems: A Public Arenas Model. American Journal of Sociology, 94(1), 53–78.
Hopf T. (2016). ‘Crimea is ours’: A discursive history. International Relations, 30(2), 227–255.
Ju Y. (2014). Issue obtrusiveness and negative bias: exploring the moderating factors for asymmetric news coverage of the economy. Asian Journal of Communication, 24(5), 441–455.
Katchanovski I. (2016). The Separatist War in Donbas: A Violent Break-up of Ukraine? European Politics and Society, 17(4), 473–489.
Kazun A. D. (2017). Agenda-Setting in Russian Media / NRU Higher School of Economics. Series PS "Political Science". WP BRP 49/PS/2017. URL: https://wp.hse.ru/data/2017/09/06/1172481174/49PS2017.pdf
Kazun A. D., Kazun A. P. (2017). Coverage of Three Tragedies in the Russian Media: Application of the Network Agenda Model / NRU Higher School of Economics. Series PS "Political Science". WP BRP 48/PS/2017. URL: https://wp.hse.ru/data/2017/08/11/1174375941/48PS2017.pdf
Kleinnijenhuis J., Schultz F., Oegema D. (2015). Frame Complexity and the Financial Crisis: A Comparison of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany in the Period 2007–2012. Journal of Communication, 65(1), 1–23.
Lee J. K. (2007). The Effect of the Internet on Homogeneity of the Media Agenda: A Test of the Fragmentation Thesis. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 84(4), 745–760.
Lee J. K., Choi J., Kim S. T. (2014). All Things Considered? Investigating the Diversity of Public Affairs Issues that Individuals Think about in the Internet Age. Computers in Human Behavior, 32, 112–122.
Leung D. K., Lee F. L. (2015). How Journalists Value Positive News. Journalism Studies, 16(2), 289–304.
Lippmann W. (1946). Public Opinion. Transaction Publishers.
Lowry D. T. (2008). Network TV News Framing of Good Vs. Bad Economic News under Democrat and Republican Presidents: A Lexical Analysis of Political Bias. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 85(3), 483–498.
Makhortykh M., Lyebyedyev Y. (2015). #SaveDonbassPeople: Twitter, Propaganda, and Conflict in Eastern Ukraine. The Communication Review, 18(4), 239–270.
McCombs M., Shaw D. (1972). The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), 176–187.
McCombs M., Graber D., Weaver D. H. (1981). Media Agenda-Setting in the Presidential Election. N.Y.: Praeger Scientific.
McCombs M., Zhu J.-H. (1995). Capacity, Diversity, and Volatility of the Public Agenda. Public Opinion Quarterly, 59(4), 495–525.
McManus J. H. (1994). Market-driven Journalism: Let the Citizen Beware? CA: Sage Publications.
Pan P.-L., Lawal T. (2017). Ideological Framing in U.S. News Coverage of Sochi Winter Olympic Games. Russian Journal of Communication, 9(1), 19–33.
Peter J., de Vreese C. (2003). Agenda‐Rich, Agenda‐Poor: A Cross‐National Comparative Investigation of Nominal and Thematic Public Agenda Diversity. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 15(1), 44–64.
Robbins J., Hunter L., Murray G. R. (2013). Voters versus Terrorists: Analyzing the Effect of Terrorist Events on Voter Turnout. Journal of Peace Research, 50(4), 495–508.
Schattschneider E. E., Adamany D. (1975). The Semisovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America. Boston: Cengage Learning.
Seib P., & Janbek D. M. (2010). Global Terrorism and New Media: The Post-Al Qaeda Generation. Routledge.
Shapiro M. A., Hemphill L. (2017). Politicians and the Policy Agenda: Does Use of Twitter by the U.S. Congress Direct New York Times Content? Policy & Internet, 9(1), 109–132.
Shoemaker P. J. (1996). Hardwired for News: Using Biological and Cultural Evolution to Explain the Surveillance Function. Journal of Communication, 46(3), 32–47.
Soroka S. N., Stecula D. A., Wlezien C. (2015). It’s (Change in) the (Future) Economy, Stupid: Economic Indicators, the Media, and Public Opinion. American Journal of Political Science, 59(2), 457–474.
Spector M., Kitsuse J. (1987). Constructing Social Problems. Transaction Publishers.
Suedfeld P., Tetlock P. (1977). Integrative Complexity of Communications in International Crises. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 21(1), 169–184.
Tan Y., Weaver D. H. (2013). Agenda Diversity and Agenda Setting From 1956 to 2004. Journalism Studies, 14(6), 773–789.
Teper Y. (2015). Official Russian Identity Discourse in Light of the Annexation of Crimea: National or Imperial? Post-Soviet Affairs, 32(4), 378-396.
Toffler A. (1980). The Third Wave. New York: Morrow.
Wallsten K. (2007). Agenda Setting and the Blogosphere: An Analysis of the Relationship between Mainstream Media and Political Blogs. Review of Policy Research, 24(6), 567–587.
Wanta W., Kalyango Y. (2007). Terrorism and Africa: A Study of Agenda Building in the United States. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 19(4), 434–450.
Weimann G., Brosius H.-B. (1991). The Newsworthiness of International Terrorism. Communication Research, 18(3), 333–354.
Wilkinson P. (1997). The Media and Terrorism: A Reassessment. Terrorism and Political Violence, 9(2), 51–64.
Wlezien C. (2005). On the Salience of Political Issues: The Problem with ‘Most Important Problem.’ Electoral Studies, 24(4), 555–579.
Zelinska O. (2015). Who Were the Protestors and What Did They Want? Demokratizatsiya, 23(4), 379–400.
Published
2017-11-05
How to Cite
КазунА. Д. (2017). Concentration Coefficient of Public Attention: Calculation Methodology. Communications. Media. Design, 2(3). Retrieved from https://cmd-journal.hse.ru/article/view/7202
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Section
Scientific Articles
