Коэффициент концентрации общественного внимания: методология расчета
Ключевые слова:
общественное мнение, СМИ, конструктивизм, кризис, коммуникативная сложность, повестка дня
Аннотация
Многочисленные исследования массовых коммуникаций заставляют предположить, что развитие онлайн медиа и конкуренция проблем за место в повестке дня должны способствовать рассеиванию внимания людей и СМИ между множеством разных вопросов. Однако это происходит далеко не всегда. Например, в кризисных ситуациях отдельные события могут занимать значительное место в повестке дня. В статье предложена методология расчета коэффициента концентрации общественного внимания. Произведена апробация методологии на данных опросов Левада-центра за период с июля 2013 по декабрь 2016 гг. В результате был сделан вывод, что коэффициент концентрации общественного внимания действительно может считаться индикатором кризиса. Однако анализ данного показателя для России позволяет предположить, что монополизировать внимание населения могут не только неблагоприятные обстоятельства, но и действия властей, организующих крупные национальные мероприятия (Олимпийских игр в Сочи, празднования 70-летия победы в Великой Отечественной войне). Кроме того, необходимо учитывать, что и СМИ, и население более остро реагируют на резкие негативные изменения, а не на плавное ухудшение ситуации. Таким образом, полученный коэффициент лучше отражает резкие перемены, чем последствия затяжного кризиса.
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Литература
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Belt T. L., Just M. R., Crigler A. N. (2012). The 2008 Media Primary: Handicapping the Candidates in Newspapers, on TV, Cable, and the Internet. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 17(3), 341–369.
Blumer H. (1971). Social Problems as Collective Behavior. Social Problems, 18(3), 298–306.
Boyd-Barrett O. (2015). Ukraine, Mainstream Media and Conflict Propaganda. Journalism Studies, 18(8), 1016-1034.
Carpenter S. (2010). A study of content diversity in online citizen journalism and online newspaper articles. New Media & Society, 12(7), 1064–1084.
Chaffee S. H., Metzger, M. J. (2001). The End of Mass Communication? Mass Communication and Society, 4(4), 365–379.
Chermak S. M., Gruenewald J. (2006). The Media’s Coverage of Domestic Terrorism. Justice Quarterly, 23(4), 428–461.
Chowanietz C. (2011). Rallying around the Flag or Railing Against the Government? Political Parties’ Reactions to Terrorist Acts. Party Politics, 17(5), 673–698.
Cohen J. E. (1995). Presidential Rhetoric and the Public Agenda. American Journal of Political Science, 39(1), 87-107.
Galtung J., Ruge M. H. (1965). The Structure of Foreign News: The Presentation of the Congo, Cuba and Cyprus Crises in Four Norwegian Newspapers. Journal of Peace Research, 2(1), 64–90.
Guo L. (2012). The Application of Social Network Analysis in Agenda Setting Research: A Methodological Exploration. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 56(4), 616–631.
Harrington, D. E. (1989). Economic News on Television the Determinants of Coverage. Public Opinion Quarterly, 53(1), 17–40.
Hilgartner S., Bosk C. L. (1988). The Rise and Fall of Social Problems: A Public Arenas Model. American Journal of Sociology, 94(1), 53–78.
Hopf T. (2016). ‘Crimea is ours’: A discursive history. International Relations, 30(2), 227–255.
Ju Y. (2014). Issue obtrusiveness and negative bias: exploring the moderating factors for asymmetric news coverage of the economy. Asian Journal of Communication, 24(5), 441–455.
Katchanovski I. (2016). The Separatist War in Donbas: A Violent Break-up of Ukraine? European Politics and Society, 17(4), 473–489.
Kazun A. D. (2017). Agenda-Setting in Russian Media / NRU Higher School of Economics. Series PS "Political Science". WP BRP 49/PS/2017. URL: https://wp.hse.ru/data/2017/09/06/1172481174/49PS2017.pdf
Kazun A. D., Kazun A. P. (2017). Coverage of Three Tragedies in the Russian Media: Application of the Network Agenda Model / NRU Higher School of Economics. Series PS "Political Science". WP BRP 48/PS/2017. URL: https://wp.hse.ru/data/2017/08/11/1174375941/48PS2017.pdf
Kleinnijenhuis J., Schultz F., Oegema D. (2015). Frame Complexity and the Financial Crisis: A Comparison of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany in the Period 2007–2012. Journal of Communication, 65(1), 1–23.
Lee J. K. (2007). The Effect of the Internet on Homogeneity of the Media Agenda: A Test of the Fragmentation Thesis. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 84(4), 745–760.
Lee J. K., Choi J., Kim S. T. (2014). All Things Considered? Investigating the Diversity of Public Affairs Issues that Individuals Think about in the Internet Age. Computers in Human Behavior, 32, 112–122.
Leung D. K., Lee F. L. (2015). How Journalists Value Positive News. Journalism Studies, 16(2), 289–304.
Lippmann W. (1946). Public Opinion. Transaction Publishers.
Lowry D. T. (2008). Network TV News Framing of Good Vs. Bad Economic News under Democrat and Republican Presidents: A Lexical Analysis of Political Bias. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 85(3), 483–498.
Makhortykh M., Lyebyedyev Y. (2015). #SaveDonbassPeople: Twitter, Propaganda, and Conflict in Eastern Ukraine. The Communication Review, 18(4), 239–270.
McCombs M., Shaw D. (1972). The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), 176–187.
McCombs M., Graber D., Weaver D. H. (1981). Media Agenda-Setting in the Presidential Election. N.Y.: Praeger Scientific.
McCombs M., Zhu J.-H. (1995). Capacity, Diversity, and Volatility of the Public Agenda. Public Opinion Quarterly, 59(4), 495–525.
McManus J. H. (1994). Market-driven Journalism: Let the Citizen Beware? CA: Sage Publications.
Pan P.-L., Lawal T. (2017). Ideological Framing in U.S. News Coverage of Sochi Winter Olympic Games. Russian Journal of Communication, 9(1), 19–33.
Peter J., de Vreese C. (2003). Agenda‐Rich, Agenda‐Poor: A Cross‐National Comparative Investigation of Nominal and Thematic Public Agenda Diversity. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 15(1), 44–64.
Robbins J., Hunter L., Murray G. R. (2013). Voters versus Terrorists: Analyzing the Effect of Terrorist Events on Voter Turnout. Journal of Peace Research, 50(4), 495–508.
Schattschneider E. E., Adamany D. (1975). The Semisovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America. Boston: Cengage Learning.
Seib P., & Janbek D. M. (2010). Global Terrorism and New Media: The Post-Al Qaeda Generation. Routledge.
Shapiro M. A., Hemphill L. (2017). Politicians and the Policy Agenda: Does Use of Twitter by the U.S. Congress Direct New York Times Content? Policy & Internet, 9(1), 109–132.
Shoemaker P. J. (1996). Hardwired for News: Using Biological and Cultural Evolution to Explain the Surveillance Function. Journal of Communication, 46(3), 32–47.
Soroka S. N., Stecula D. A., Wlezien C. (2015). It’s (Change in) the (Future) Economy, Stupid: Economic Indicators, the Media, and Public Opinion. American Journal of Political Science, 59(2), 457–474.
Spector M., Kitsuse J. (1987). Constructing Social Problems. Transaction Publishers.
Suedfeld P., Tetlock P. (1977). Integrative Complexity of Communications in International Crises. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 21(1), 169–184.
Tan Y., Weaver D. H. (2013). Agenda Diversity and Agenda Setting From 1956 to 2004. Journalism Studies, 14(6), 773–789.
Teper Y. (2015). Official Russian Identity Discourse in Light of the Annexation of Crimea: National or Imperial? Post-Soviet Affairs, 32(4), 378-396.
Toffler A. (1980). The Third Wave. New York: Morrow.
Wallsten K. (2007). Agenda Setting and the Blogosphere: An Analysis of the Relationship between Mainstream Media and Political Blogs. Review of Policy Research, 24(6), 567–587.
Wanta W., Kalyango Y. (2007). Terrorism and Africa: A Study of Agenda Building in the United States. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 19(4), 434–450.
Weimann G., Brosius H.-B. (1991). The Newsworthiness of International Terrorism. Communication Research, 18(3), 333–354.
Wilkinson P. (1997). The Media and Terrorism: A Reassessment. Terrorism and Political Violence, 9(2), 51–64.
Wlezien C. (2005). On the Salience of Political Issues: The Problem with ‘Most Important Problem.’ Electoral Studies, 24(4), 555–579.
Zelinska O. (2015). Who Were the Protestors and What Did They Want? Demokratizatsiya, 23(4), 379–400.
Belt T. L., Just M. R., Crigler A. N. (2012). The 2008 Media Primary: Handicapping the Candidates in Newspapers, on TV, Cable, and the Internet. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 17(3), 341–369.
Blumer H. (1971). Social Problems as Collective Behavior. Social Problems, 18(3), 298–306.
Boyd-Barrett O. (2015). Ukraine, Mainstream Media and Conflict Propaganda. Journalism Studies, 18(8), 1016-1034.
Carpenter S. (2010). A study of content diversity in online citizen journalism and online newspaper articles. New Media & Society, 12(7), 1064–1084.
Chaffee S. H., Metzger, M. J. (2001). The End of Mass Communication? Mass Communication and Society, 4(4), 365–379.
Chermak S. M., Gruenewald J. (2006). The Media’s Coverage of Domestic Terrorism. Justice Quarterly, 23(4), 428–461.
Chowanietz C. (2011). Rallying around the Flag or Railing Against the Government? Political Parties’ Reactions to Terrorist Acts. Party Politics, 17(5), 673–698.
Cohen J. E. (1995). Presidential Rhetoric and the Public Agenda. American Journal of Political Science, 39(1), 87-107.
Galtung J., Ruge M. H. (1965). The Structure of Foreign News: The Presentation of the Congo, Cuba and Cyprus Crises in Four Norwegian Newspapers. Journal of Peace Research, 2(1), 64–90.
Guo L. (2012). The Application of Social Network Analysis in Agenda Setting Research: A Methodological Exploration. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 56(4), 616–631.
Harrington, D. E. (1989). Economic News on Television the Determinants of Coverage. Public Opinion Quarterly, 53(1), 17–40.
Hilgartner S., Bosk C. L. (1988). The Rise and Fall of Social Problems: A Public Arenas Model. American Journal of Sociology, 94(1), 53–78.
Hopf T. (2016). ‘Crimea is ours’: A discursive history. International Relations, 30(2), 227–255.
Ju Y. (2014). Issue obtrusiveness and negative bias: exploring the moderating factors for asymmetric news coverage of the economy. Asian Journal of Communication, 24(5), 441–455.
Katchanovski I. (2016). The Separatist War in Donbas: A Violent Break-up of Ukraine? European Politics and Society, 17(4), 473–489.
Kazun A. D. (2017). Agenda-Setting in Russian Media / NRU Higher School of Economics. Series PS "Political Science". WP BRP 49/PS/2017. URL: https://wp.hse.ru/data/2017/09/06/1172481174/49PS2017.pdf
Kazun A. D., Kazun A. P. (2017). Coverage of Three Tragedies in the Russian Media: Application of the Network Agenda Model / NRU Higher School of Economics. Series PS "Political Science". WP BRP 48/PS/2017. URL: https://wp.hse.ru/data/2017/08/11/1174375941/48PS2017.pdf
Kleinnijenhuis J., Schultz F., Oegema D. (2015). Frame Complexity and the Financial Crisis: A Comparison of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany in the Period 2007–2012. Journal of Communication, 65(1), 1–23.
Lee J. K. (2007). The Effect of the Internet on Homogeneity of the Media Agenda: A Test of the Fragmentation Thesis. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 84(4), 745–760.
Lee J. K., Choi J., Kim S. T. (2014). All Things Considered? Investigating the Diversity of Public Affairs Issues that Individuals Think about in the Internet Age. Computers in Human Behavior, 32, 112–122.
Leung D. K., Lee F. L. (2015). How Journalists Value Positive News. Journalism Studies, 16(2), 289–304.
Lippmann W. (1946). Public Opinion. Transaction Publishers.
Lowry D. T. (2008). Network TV News Framing of Good Vs. Bad Economic News under Democrat and Republican Presidents: A Lexical Analysis of Political Bias. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 85(3), 483–498.
Makhortykh M., Lyebyedyev Y. (2015). #SaveDonbassPeople: Twitter, Propaganda, and Conflict in Eastern Ukraine. The Communication Review, 18(4), 239–270.
McCombs M., Shaw D. (1972). The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), 176–187.
McCombs M., Graber D., Weaver D. H. (1981). Media Agenda-Setting in the Presidential Election. N.Y.: Praeger Scientific.
McCombs M., Zhu J.-H. (1995). Capacity, Diversity, and Volatility of the Public Agenda. Public Opinion Quarterly, 59(4), 495–525.
McManus J. H. (1994). Market-driven Journalism: Let the Citizen Beware? CA: Sage Publications.
Pan P.-L., Lawal T. (2017). Ideological Framing in U.S. News Coverage of Sochi Winter Olympic Games. Russian Journal of Communication, 9(1), 19–33.
Peter J., de Vreese C. (2003). Agenda‐Rich, Agenda‐Poor: A Cross‐National Comparative Investigation of Nominal and Thematic Public Agenda Diversity. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 15(1), 44–64.
Robbins J., Hunter L., Murray G. R. (2013). Voters versus Terrorists: Analyzing the Effect of Terrorist Events on Voter Turnout. Journal of Peace Research, 50(4), 495–508.
Schattschneider E. E., Adamany D. (1975). The Semisovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America. Boston: Cengage Learning.
Seib P., & Janbek D. M. (2010). Global Terrorism and New Media: The Post-Al Qaeda Generation. Routledge.
Shapiro M. A., Hemphill L. (2017). Politicians and the Policy Agenda: Does Use of Twitter by the U.S. Congress Direct New York Times Content? Policy & Internet, 9(1), 109–132.
Shoemaker P. J. (1996). Hardwired for News: Using Biological and Cultural Evolution to Explain the Surveillance Function. Journal of Communication, 46(3), 32–47.
Soroka S. N., Stecula D. A., Wlezien C. (2015). It’s (Change in) the (Future) Economy, Stupid: Economic Indicators, the Media, and Public Opinion. American Journal of Political Science, 59(2), 457–474.
Spector M., Kitsuse J. (1987). Constructing Social Problems. Transaction Publishers.
Suedfeld P., Tetlock P. (1977). Integrative Complexity of Communications in International Crises. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 21(1), 169–184.
Tan Y., Weaver D. H. (2013). Agenda Diversity and Agenda Setting From 1956 to 2004. Journalism Studies, 14(6), 773–789.
Teper Y. (2015). Official Russian Identity Discourse in Light of the Annexation of Crimea: National or Imperial? Post-Soviet Affairs, 32(4), 378-396.
Toffler A. (1980). The Third Wave. New York: Morrow.
Wallsten K. (2007). Agenda Setting and the Blogosphere: An Analysis of the Relationship between Mainstream Media and Political Blogs. Review of Policy Research, 24(6), 567–587.
Wanta W., Kalyango Y. (2007). Terrorism and Africa: A Study of Agenda Building in the United States. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 19(4), 434–450.
Weimann G., Brosius H.-B. (1991). The Newsworthiness of International Terrorism. Communication Research, 18(3), 333–354.
Wilkinson P. (1997). The Media and Terrorism: A Reassessment. Terrorism and Political Violence, 9(2), 51–64.
Wlezien C. (2005). On the Salience of Political Issues: The Problem with ‘Most Important Problem.’ Electoral Studies, 24(4), 555–579.
Zelinska O. (2015). Who Were the Protestors and What Did They Want? Demokratizatsiya, 23(4), 379–400.
Опубликован
2017-11-05
Как цитировать
КазунА. Д. (2017). Коэффициент концентрации общественного внимания: методология расчета. Коммуникации. Медиа. Дизайн, 2(3). извлечено от https://cmd-journal.hse.ru/article/view/7202
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